var articlecredit = ;
var articlecaption = ;
var articleimage = ;
During his campaign for governor of New Jersey, Phil Murphy, a Democrat, pledged to legalize the recreational use of marijuana, telling Democrats at a party conference last year in Atlantic City that creating a new tax revenue was not what was motivating him.
“People ask me all the time, ‘Hey, are you sure you can generate $300 million from the legalization of marijuana?” Murphy said, citing a figure that his campaign had touted. “I say, ‘You know what, I’m not sure, but that’s not the question. We’re not doing it for the dollars. We’re doing it for social justice.’”
Murphy argues that the disproportionate number of African-Americans who are jailed on marijuana charges is a main reason to legalize the drug, and he has the support of civil rights groups, cannabis business lobbyists, lawyers, doctors who prescribe medical marijuana and out-of-state cannabis growers.
But now that Murphy occupies the governor’s office, a major legislative obstacle is emerging: Ronald L. Rice, the state’s longest-serving black senator and the leader of its Black Caucus.
“It’s always been said the issue is not money, the issue is social justice,” said Rice, a Democrat and a former Newark police officer. “But, it’s being sold on the backs of black folk and brown people. It’s clear there is big, big money pushing special interests to sell this to our communities.”
Medical marijuana became legal in New Jersey under former Gov. Jon Corzine, a Democrat, but his successor, Gov. Chris Christie, a Republican, rejected proposals to make recreational cannabis use legal.
The growing and selling of marijuana has already generated billions of dollars in the nine states where it is legal — but it is an industry that is overwhelmingly white.
Rice fears the consequences would be dire in cities like Newark, which is already wrestling with a variety of problems, including widespread heroin addiction and an ongoing foreclosure crisis. Cannabis stores, he believes, would proliferate in black communities, much like liquor stores, and would produce a new generation of drug abusers.
Colorado was the first state to legalize recreational marijuana, and in Denver, most merchants are based in low-income neighborhoods where residents have complained about lingering and strong odors, according to local media accounts.
It is not the first time a social justice issue has clashed with Rice’s strong stance on drugs. More than a decade ago he helped block the passage of a statewide needle-exchange program aimed at curbing the spread of HIV from contaminated hypodermic needles, pitting himself against his own party.
His position on cannabis legalization is not just at odds with the governor and members of his party, but also with many African-Americans.
In New Jersey, African-Americans are three times more likely to be charged with marijuana possession than whites, even though both populations use the drug at similar rates. That has galvanized civil rights groups like the NAACP and the American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey to support legalization.
“All the collateral consequences that come with an arrest — jail time, losing your job, losing your housing are disproportionately falling on communities of color,” said Dianna Houenou, a lawyer with the ACLU of New Jersey. “Through legalization we can begin to address the harms that have been inflicted.”
A statewide coalition of black pastors, the NAACP and the New Jersey chapter of the Drug Policy Alliance is pushing for legalization as a social justice issue, but only if it is linked to some type of compensation for the harm they say was done to black and brown families whose sons were incarcerated. The pastors said they wanted to make sure members of their communities were able to participate in the billion-dollar cannabis industry as growers and sellers, not just workers. They are frustrated that the wealth being generated in the other states where marijuana is legal is not reaching people of color.
Researchers at Marijuana Business Daily, a Denver-based industry news site, found that 81 percent of cannabis business owners were white, while less than 4 percent were black.
Marijuana and racism have long been intertwined, dating back to the post-prohibition era in the 1930s when the country’s first drug czar gained traction for his war on marijuana by invoking a fear of black people. In the 1960s, former President Richard Nixon’s war on drugs targeted black people, as well as hippies.
“Politicians and government officials used cannabis prohibition to target and criminalize black and brown people and throw them in jail,” said Loretta Winters, president of the Gloucester County chapter of the NAACP. “We demand that a huge piece of the business that this legislation will generate should make up for all the pain, suffering and loss of revenue that our black and brown communities have been subjected to.”
At a marijuana legalization forum held recently at Bethany Baptist Church in Newark, the Rev. Charles Boyer of Bethel AME Church in Woodbury said the worst thing that could happen was for communities most harmed by the prohibition to not have a say about legalization.
“Do we want to be the ones responsible for playing a part in a system that will make tons of young white millionaires after years of making hundreds of thousands of poor black felons?” Boyer said.
The Drug Policy Alliance is lobbying for a bill that includes the automatic and retroactive expungement of criminal records for possession, making permits for cannabis shops affordable so that the market is accessible to lower-income entrepreneurs, and a commitment that a portion of the revenue from marijuana sales be used to provide education and job training for people of color.
Some social justice activists are also calling for allowing people to grow their own cannabis plants.
State Sen. Nicholas Scutari, a Democrat from Linden, is the author of a bill that would legalize the possession of small amounts of marijuana for anyone over 21 and would establish a state Division of Marijuana Enforcement. But it does not include any language discussing compensation.
Scutari agrees that arrests for marijuana possession are disproportionately higher for blacks and Latinos and says his bill addresses the issue of social justice.
“The individuals that are previously convicted of marijuana possession will no longer be subject to prosecution,” Scutari said.
He also said he is willing to consider other demands — but most likely in a separate bill. Scutari said any initial revenue from marijuana sales must first fund the state’s program, including hiring staff, before paying for drug treatment, fixing the state’s pension debt or building roads.
For his part, Rice has proposed his own marijuana bill that would decriminalize the possession of 10 grams or less of marijuana, and make carrying more a disorderly persons charge that would impose only a fine. It would also expunge criminal records and release incarcerated people serving sentences for possessing small amounts of marijuana. But Scutari said that decriminalization would simply create an open-air drug market that would allow drug dealers to get richer without creating any kind of regulatory system to control how marijuana is sold.
Ultimately, any effort to promote civil rights could depend on what kind of bill Murphy is willing to sign. In a statement, Daniel Bryan, a spokesman for the governor, said that Murphy was committed to “the goal of building a stronger and fairer New Jersey, and supports the legalization of marijuana to advance the cause of social justice and combat the racial disparities in our criminal justice system.”